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Programme 2
Background Information
"You can spot an Irishman or a Yorkshireman by his brogue. I can
place any man within six miles. I can place him within two miles in
London. Sometimes within two streets."
(Henry Higgins in Pygmalion, by George Bernard Shaw)
Dialect and accent
Local speech conveys messages about our geographical origin.
Linguistic identity, however, can be a complex affair. We speak
English, but so do some billion people around the world who are not
English. People from different parts of England, Scotland, Wales
and Ireland who speak English as their native language may not
necessarily find each other mutually intelligible. Similarly,
English speakers from urban and rural areas of the same
geographical region can have difficulty in comprehending each
other, as the 'Bog Off' drama illustrates.
Regional dialect is characterised by distinctive grammar,
vocabulary, idiom and accent. Linguistically, by definition, no one
dialect can be superior or inferior to any other. The status
enjoyed by Standard English - itself a regional dialect - derives
entirely from its societal and political values.
A person's linguistic origin can often be identified through
their distinctive pronunciation (or phonology). The essential
difference between the commonly confused terms of accent and
dialect is that the former is strictly a reference to pronunciation
and not to vocabulary or grammar.
Ulster Scots dialect
The distinctive Northern Irish rural dialect and accent featured in
the programme derive largely from settlers who moved to the
province from the Scottish Lowlands from the seventeenth century
onwards. So Ulster Scots speech, locally known as 'Braid Scotch'
(broad Scots) is one variant of the Scots tongue.
Like any regional dialect, it is characterised by particular
features of vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation. Most people in
Northern Ireland speak English, though the number who can speak the
Ulster Scots tongue has been estimated at upwards of 100,000
people. It is formally recognised by the European Union as a
traditional regional language.
Scots and Scottish English (originally derived from the same
Indo-European and west Germanic roots as Standard English)
developed separately from the language in England in the fourteenth
to sixteenth centuries.
Vocabulary
Ulster Scots is phonologically similar to Lowland Scots, many words
deriving from the same Germanic stock as English. Hence the
fourth-century Germanic word 'gretan' survives in Scots as
'greetan' and in Ulster Scots as 'greet' (meaning 'to weep').
Similarly, the fourth-century Germanic word 'thulan', which means
'to tolerate', has evolved into 'tholean' in Scots and 'thole' in
Ulster Scots.
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Ulster Scots
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English
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auld
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old
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brave
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good, fine
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claes
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clothes
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cowp
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to tip over
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forbye
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besides
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fornenst
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near, against, in front of
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founder
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to feel very cold
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keek
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to peep furtively
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mind
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remember
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scunner
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to feel disgust
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thrawn
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awkward
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wee
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small
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Ulster Scots
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Number
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yin
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1
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twa
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2
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thie
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3
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fower
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4
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five
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5
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sax
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6
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sein
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7
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echt
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8
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nine
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9
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ten
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10
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In the drama 'Bog Off', Jase challenges Drew to spend a night on
the bog 'on yer ain' (on your own). When Drew cannot understand the
rural dialect, he is asked 'De ye no ken (understand) English?'.
Drew's Aunt Josie addresses her children as 'weans' (wee - or
little - ones). In 'Big Mucker', Doug reports having to manhandle
Diana by lifting her under the arms, 'Me an' Donald had to
oxtercoggle her 'til her bed.' Here, 'oxter' means 'armpit'. In
'The Interview', Lynne describes her hobbies as 'greetin' and
girnin' ower me exams' (in other words, crying).
Grammar
A typical grammatical construction of Ulster Scots dialect involves
use of the negative, 'no'. While one boy in 'Bog Off' demands of
Drew 'De ye no ken English?' one of the adults who chases after the
young people asks 'Can he no spake?'.
Another distinctive feature is the addition of '-nae' to an
auxiliary verb. In 'Big Mucker', Doug reveals: 'Ah dinnae laike it
much here… An' thon Diana wudnae gie ower last nicht…Ah
cannae staun onymair o' this.' In 'Bog Off', Aunt Josie insists
'Drew disnae want tae spend his first day up till his oxters in
peat", and the mad scientist of 'Pride of Frankenstein' protests:
'Ah dinnae want te change me way o' spakin'.'
Accent
Any difficulties in comprehending a dialect are more often caused
by pronunciation than by grammar, vocabulary or usage. Dropping the
final 'g' of the present participle is very typical of this speech:
growin', grievin', greetin', girnin', rubbin', takin', wantin'.
When Martina in 'Bog Off' tells Drew 'Yer saft in the heid' (soft
in the head) or the village boys ask Drew 'Are ye deef?' (deaf),
pronunciation is characterised by transposed vowels, as seen in the
table below.
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Standard English pronunciation
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Ulster Scots dialect pronunciation
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beat
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bate
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heap
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hape
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dead
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deed
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head
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heid
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home
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hame
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none
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name
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floor
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flure
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door
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dure
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sea
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say
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tea
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tay
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to
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tae
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sent
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sint
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went
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wint
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Finally, we can find semi-vowel addition to Standard English,
for example, in 'gyood', used in Ulster as the sound for 'good',
and 'kyap' as the pronunciation of 'cap'.
Irish (Gaelic) Language
It is believed that the Irish language arrived in Ireland around
350 BC with the first settlement of Celts from southern France.
English has been used in Ireland since the 12th century and has
absorbed many influences from the native Irish language . The
Plantation of Ulster in the early 17th century saw the settlement
of some 150,000 Scottish and about 20,000 English. From the time of
the Plantation, English achieved greater currency in Ireland, north
and south, as its acceptability became more established. With the
greater number of settlers in the north from Scotland, the
influence of Scots on the emerging English dialects was inevitable,
but these emerging English dialects in the north also absorbed much
of the character and substance of the indigenous Irish
language.
As the 'Gaelic Coffee' sketch reveals, everyday English words of
Irish origin include 'shanty', 'slob', 'smashing', 'smithereens'
and 'bottom'. Even the apparently American English words 'phoney'
(false) and 'to dig' (to appreciate, enjoy) had their origins in
Irish.
Many so called solecisms in Irish English (or Hiberno English to
give it its proper title)
owe their existence to Irish grammar." Several deviations from
Standard English syntax
are due to the absence of a verb 'have' in Irish.The most noted
example is the construction with 'after' in place of the English
'have' in expressions such as 'I'm just after eating my dinner' (
Irish: 'Ta me tar eis mo dhinnear a ithe; Standard English: 'I've
just eaten my dinner'),in which the 'after' represents the Irish
conjunction'tar eis'."
"Possession may be expressed in Irish by the verb 'be'(ta) and
the preposition 'at' (ag); for example: 'Ta an leabhar agam'
literally 'Is the book at-me' meaning 'I have the book'.
The British English perfect and pluperfect tenses are often
replaced with the past tense in Irish English giving such patterns
as 'Did any of you find my pen?' instead of 'Have any of you
found my pen?' or in such non standard usages as 'The children are
gone back to school'( in place of 'The children have gone back to
school').
In Irish the verb normally stands first (verb-subject, e.g.
'Thit se den bhalla' he fell off the wall), whereas the basic word
order of Standard English is subject-verb (He fell off the
wall')."
These and many other examples of how Hiberno-English departs
from Standard English grammar can be found in the Introduction to
Prof. Terence Patrick Dolan's excellent 'Dictionary of
Hiberno-English' published by Gill & MacMillan.
Today the Republic of Ireland is officially bilingual with
public signage appearing in both Irish and English. In specially
designated Gaeltacht areas (mainly along the western
seaboard)
Irish is the working first language of thought and speech. In the
North there are thriving
Irish speaking communities in Belfast, Derry and elsewhere who have
developed successful
Irish medium schools.
© 2000 Channel Four Television
Corporation
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